Interview with Dixie Elliott

Peace Processing the Memory of the Conflict

No Choice But to Take It

Radio Free Éireann Interview with Richard O'Rawe

Take It Down From the Mast

A bit of Stick had at the recent Anti-Internment March in Belfast

Wiki-Dump

All correspondence in relation to Allison Morris' and Ciaran Barnes' complaints and the NUJ's handling of the issue.

True to Their Words

Disproportionate Coverage of NUJ case in the Irish News

What Price Justice?

For Irish News reporter Allison Morris, Celtic v Cliftonville in Glasgow

The Weird World

Journalists and Online Shenanigans: Double Standards Exposed

Dolours Price Archive

"I look forward to the freedom to lay bare my experiences unfettered by codes now redundant."

Irish Republican Movement Collection

Annoucing the Irish Republican Movement Collection online archive at IUPUI

The Belfast Project and Boston College

The Belfast Project and the Boston College Subpoena Case: The following paper was given at the Oral History Network of Ireland (OHNI) Second Annual Conference in Ennis, Co Clare on Saturday the 29th September 2012

Challenge and Change

Former hunger striker Gerard Hodgkins delivered the 2013 annual Brendan Hughes Memorial Lecture

Brendan Hughes: A Life in Themes

There is little to be gained in going from an A to Z chronological tour of the life of Brendan Hughes. The knowledge is out there. Instead a number of themes will covey to those who are interested what was the essence of the man.

55 HOURS

Day-by-day account of events of the 1981 Hunger Strike. A series in four parts:
July 5July 6July 7July 8

The Bell and the Blanket

Journals of Irish Republican Dissent: A study of the Bell and Blanket magazines by writers Niall Carson and Paddy Hoey

Sunday, July 31, 2011

Bishops of Baal

Every day the starving poor
Crowded around Bishop Hatto's door;
For he had a plentiful last-year's store,
And all the neighbourhood could tell
His granaries were furnished well.

At last Bishop Hatto appointed a day
To quiet the poor without delay:
He bade them to his great barn repair,
And they should have food for winter there.

Rejoiced such tidings good to hear,
The poor folk flocked from far and near;
The great barn was full as it could hold
Of women and children, and young and old.

Then, when he saw it could hold no more,
Bishop Hatto, he made fast the door;
And while for mercy on Christ they call,
He set fire to the barn and burned them all.
-    Robert Southey



Saturday, July 30, 2011

Drop Her in d'Drink




Cartoon by Brian Mór
Click to enlarge

Friday, July 29, 2011

Russian Roulette

It's quite clear that this man is very seriously ill and causes no harm or grief to anyone …  Our point is that anyone who is too ill to stand trial, how can that person then be a danger to the public when they can't even attend a court appearance? - West Belfast MP Paul Maskey

The former republican activist Brendan Lillis continues to be held in Maghaberry Prison despite widespread media discussion of his plight and street campaigning on his behalf. There had been some hopes that the British Government would have stepped back from its current hard-line position and assume a more compassionate stance. These hopes were dashed when the Life Sentence Review Commission refused earlier this week to release Brendan Lillis.

Last week saw a hunger strike vigil staged over a three day period aimed at drawing attention to the situation of the very ill West Belfast man. The venue was highly symbolic, the site of the old Andersonstown RUC barracks. Situated in the heart of West Belfast it is a mere few steps from Milltown Cemetery which holds the graves of three republican hunger strikers interred there after their deaths in Long Kesh in 1981. Bobby Sands, Kieran Doherty and Joe McDonnell all took part in the Blanket protest with Brendan Lillis. It is particularly poignant that the two sisters of Bobby Sands voiced public concern over the treatment of Lillis and called for his release.

Thursday, July 28, 2011

The Ongoing Struggle For Political Status

Tonight The Pensive Quill features Sean Doyle’s speech on the 8th of July 2011 at Bridgewater Centre, Arklow, County Wicklow. The speech was to commemorate the H Block hunger striker Joe Mc Donnell on the 30th anniversary of his death.

On behalf of the regional Socialist Republican Unity Committee I’m glad to welcome you all here today to the East Coast H-Block  Hunger Strike Commemoration. Today we are paying tribute to Joe Mc Donnell, the fifth of our hunger strikers who died aged 30 on the 8th July 1981 after 60 days.

The ultimate and final sacrifice for political status which are enshrined in the 5 demands.

  1. The right to wear your own clothes.
  2. The right not to do prison work.
  3. Free association with other prisoners. 
  4. Restoration of full remission of sentence lost due to protest.
  5. Normal visits, parcels, education and recreation facilities.

These were the 5 demands that the foreign army of occupation of the 6 counties and Thatcher’s government would not concede.

Thatcher set out on a course to criminalise political prisoners after the 1st of March 1976.She unleashed her sadistic sectarian dogs in uniform in a manner of brutality and cruelty relentless beatings, strip searches, mirror searches, sleep deprivation and locked up 23 hours a day.

Wednesday, July 27, 2011

Come Out, Come Out, Wherever You Are

Bishop John Magee is a name that is likely to be synonymous with Catholic Church cover up of clerical rape in Ireland for some time to come. His handling of abuse in Cloyne put him in the A League – Appalling, Awful, Atrocious. Imagine his surprise when Judge Yvonne Murphy pointed out to him that Accountability might just force its way through major league style.

Magee’s appointment of the indifferent Monsignor Denis O’Callaghan to exercise diocesan authority in Cloyne was indicative of his outlook. O’Callaghan was as unconcerned and ‘uncommitted’ as himself. Moreover, O’Callaghan did not agree with the 1996 Church Framework guidelines ostensibly in place to protect children but which on the advice of the criminal class in the Vatican could be ignored.

To compound matters O’Callaghan actually believed the complaints from the abuse victims but, like Magee, decided that the reputation of the Church was more important so he failed to act. Former school Principal Eugene Riordan, who has long argued for prosecutions in respect of Cloyne, claimed that Callaghan was absolutely cynical in his handling of child abuse cases.

Tuesday, July 26, 2011

Justice Minister David Ford as Judge Roy Bean




Poster by Christy Walsh
Click to enlarge

Monday, July 25, 2011

Fibber Magee

Well, well, well, Bishop John Magee. Truly you are one of the most glorious examples of supreme idiocy in human history. As proven by you actually thinking you might fool all in the end, including God – Sinead O’Connor

John Magee is the type of bullshitting reprobate any gang would like to have on its books. Probably explains why he joined one and went places within it. Devious and dishonest he can be relied upon to place the interests of the illicit fraternity above and beyond that of its victims. There is, it seems, honour among fiends.

An ambitious character, Magee was described by former Vatican official, Don Diego Lorenzi, as something of a yes-man, always eager to get the bishop’s hat and perform as a toady to do so. An inveterate liar he was even caught out spoofing about the discovery of the body of Pope John Paul 1 in 1978, only days into his papacy. Initially having told the world it was he who he found the body, he later conceded it was discovered by a nun but fell back on the lame excuse that ‘I did find the body of His Holiness. I just didn't find it first.’ Something that every loser could claim in a race; they were really first, just that somebody else crossed the line before them. At least it removed facing the difficult question of what a nun had being doing in the papal bedroom at such an unbecoming hour.

Sunday, July 24, 2011

The Case For Gerry McGeough

Tonight The Pensive Quill features guest writer Martin Galvin who authored an article for Fourthwrite @ http://www.fourthwrite.ie/?p=154

It has been said that Republicans who do not view joining Britain’s Stormont administration as a means to end British rule, are permitted to disagree. Those holding such views require no such permission, any more than would their commitment to a united Ireland need the terms of the Good Friday deal to become a legitimate aspiration.

The script usually follows with a challenge to put it to the test at elections, in words reminiscent of John Hume or Gerry Fitt during the years when the SDLP claimed to be the elected representatives speaking for the community.

Saturday, July 23, 2011

The Illicit Bishop

Funny old world when we consider that Ratzinger of the Vatican has the brass neck to ‘deplore’ the treatment meted out to Chinese Catholics by the Beijing authorities. In the past he has deplored condoms, women priests, and gays. Now, in a week where his priests have been caught with their trousers down yet again, he has focused his wrath on China.

What have the Chinese done that merits being deplored in Cloyne week? The country has a state sponsored church. Which means it is beyond the control of the Vatican and appoints bishops without taking into consideration the views of Ratzinger and his cronies. As a result the dictatorship of the popetariat excommunicated from the Church a bishop, Joseph Huang Bingzhang, who was ordained without approval from Rome.

Friday, July 22, 2011

GARC




Cartoon by Brian Mór
Click to enlarge

Thursday, July 21, 2011

This Is Not Rome

He is less than six months in office but Taoiseach Enda Kenny has already guaranteed himself a place in the history books. The Mayo man stood in the Dail yesterday and shattered those links between church and State that for so long have been an intrinsic part of the fabric of Irish society … The days of kowtowing to Rome, regardless of the circumstances, were clearly over  – Alison O’Connor

A Fine Gael Taoiseach is not the type of person who expects to be lauded by republicans. Enda Kenny has managed that. Today, speaking to former prisoners, I heard Kenny taking plaudits for the robust challenge he made to the malodorous Vatican in the Dail yesterday.  A woman in our company, with good reason, made the point that he is no longer ‘Enda Lite.’

Wednesday, July 20, 2011

On the Bridge Of Peace

Earlier this evening I attended a vigil on the Bridge of Peace in Drogheda aimed at highlighting the plight of Brendan Lillis currently detained in Maghaberry Prison despite being seriously ill. In recent days, largely as a result of the persistence of his indefatigable partner Roisin, the case of Brendan Lillis has at last managed to break into the mainstream media. There are signs of awareness in media circles that republican prisoners hold a combination lock which, if the right numbers click, can unleash an emotive reservoir within nationalist communities across the North. As a British official wistfully commented during the 1981 hunger strikes, many nationalists were being pulled by their umbilical cords to the cause of the prisoners.

This evening’s vigil was organised by the Duleek Independent Republican group which has done some great work both on behalf of republican prisoners and in the field of commemorative culture. About 25 people turned up including activists from the Republican Network for Unity and the 32 County Sovereignty Movement. All were welcome.

Tuesday, July 19, 2011

Surely More Than This

Tonight the Pensive Quill carries a letter from Martin Galvin that was published in the Irish News on the 15th July.

A chara,

Thirty years ago Republicans were in the midst of a Hunger Strike which would claim the lives of ten heroic patriots. This protest of last resort followed years of “naked brutality”, in which the Blanket men and Armagh women were beaten and brutalized, often during mirror searches or strip-searches.

Monday, July 18, 2011

Tackling The Priest Problem

Is there a chance that at long last Irish society might no longer be willing to carry on deluding itself that there is a solution to the country’s priest problem that can be reached through consensus with the decadent Catholic Church? The logic of Byron’s servant that ‘our church is holy but our priests are thieves’ is no longer sustainable. The Catholic Church from the top to the bottom is a gang of thieves who have stolen the psychological well-being of society’s children. It has become abundantly clear after the fourth report in six years that the Church as an institution must be coerced, not persuaded, into keeping its wandering hands off Irish children.

The determined rapists of the Catholic Church in Ireland are not going to give up. Nor is the criminal cartel at the Vatican going to give them up. The people this society elects to politically represent and ultimately govern them need to draw a line in the sand over which the paedophile infested Catholic institution shall not be permitted to cross.

While not a fan of Fine Gael by any stretch of the imagination, never having cast a vote of any preference the party’s way, I can hardy deny being in agreement with both Taoiseach Enda Kenny and the chairman of the Fine Gael parliamentary party, Charlie Flanagan.

Kenny in describing the Vatican role in the Cloyne clerical sex scandal as absolutely disgraceful, made it clear that ‘the law of the land should not be stopped by crozier or by collar’, while Flanagan, a man whose perspective on the criminal justice system I have long abhorred, called for the expulsion of he papal nuncio from Ireland: ‘in any jurisdiction if the representatives of another jurisdiction conspired with citizens of that state to commit criminal acts, they would be gone.’

Unfortunately, Eamon Gilmore, the Foreign Minister, was only lukewarm when asked if the Vatican’s embassy in Ireland should be closed. A worrying sign of vacillation at a time when Church criminality should be aggressively confronted and forced back.

Children Must Not Wait should be the guiding principle. As the Irish Times argued:

Another round of breast-beating by Catholic churchmen over the sexual abuse of children in their pastoral care has become a source of public anger, rather than of reassurance. Apologies and pledges of future cooperation with civil authorities have lost all credibility following 15 years of foot-dragging and broken promises.

There is no need to bulldoze churches to the ground and systematically go through the ruins with flamethrowers to flush out the predators from their lairs. In addition to upcoming legislation there is gang busting legislation which the state can employ against the Catholic Church. Why should the criminals of Limerick and Dublin have that exclusively to themselves? These maggots of god that continue to poison the moral well Irish society drinks from should be remorselessly pursued from child to child and their talons removed from their victims’ clothing until they irrevocably desist from wilfully harming the children of this country.

Government ministers Alan Shatter and Frances Fitzgerald plan to introduce legislation aimed at protecting children like never before. It will be a criminal offence to fail to report to the Garda sexual abuse of a child. The problem is simple: we have heard it all before. The last government led by Fianna Fail said much the same in the wake of the Ferns Report. The ‘never again … but’ attitude has served to encourage the Church of the Raping Cleric to carry on. Few will be found to disagree with Sinn Fein’s Mary Lou McDonald in her assessment that ‘to date, the State has failed children.’

Yet on this occasion Edna Kenny suggested the State might go further than before in his assertion that the confessional will not have a seal. Where a priest is informed in his dark box of dark acts he will be obligated to inform civil authorities. This is certainly a stake aimed at the heart of the vampire. It will inevitably lead to a clash between the Dublin government and Cartel Vatican.

Will this be enough to overcome some facts on the ground outlined so well by Maurice Hayes? In his view:

Ministers may find that legislation is the easy bit. Laws without enforcement are worse than useless, and enforcement requires an inspectorate with manpower and resources. Both are in short supply when there are cuts in public expenditure and social workers are being laid off.

The urgency of the State moving against the Church is underlined by the very explicit message from the Cloyne report that Clerical abuse and cover up are not something in our history but are with us here and now. As Frances Fitzgerald, the Minister for Children, pointed out, ‘this is not a catalogue of failure from a different era. This is not about an Ireland of 50 years ago. This is about Ireland now.’

At this very moment some cleric is grooming his next child victim while some bishop is putting in place the mechanisms of cover up. It is the country’s Great Moral Famine and still there is an inclination as indicated by the Foreign Minister to parley and discuss with those who would starve Irish children of their dignity. To what end? Irish society does not need a response from the Vatican, it needs to see Cartel Vatican crushed as a political force in Ireland.

By the time the Dail convenes to debate the matter this week Irish society should be primed to the point that anything less than disbandment of the Church will seem a failure. It is now reported in the Irish Independent that the government is at war with the Vatican. It must not be a cold war.

Brendan Lillis Press Release

The Pensive Quill carries a press release issued on behalf of Brendan Lillis who is currently seriously ill in Maghaberry Prison

Brendan Lillis is currently a prisoner in Maghaberry Prison where he is serving a sentence for explosive offences in 1976. Brendan suffers from the condition ankylosing spondylitis and has been confined to bed for the best part of the past two years.

Brendan Lillis is no threat to anybody. Brendan Lillis is dying and has been abandoned by an entire political system which is more interested in making statements about his condition than in applying their political power to remedy the situation.

We call for the immediate release of Brendan Lillis to his partner Roisin so that whatever time Brendan has left on this earth be spent with his immediate family.

Brendan Lillis can not walk; he can not get up from his bed. He is incapacitated, and he is being left alone to die in a prison cell. We have seen enough of our people die in prison cells and find the manner in which Brendan is being treated as an obscenity.

A hunger strike in support of Brendan Lillis will commence this Thursday 21st July at the site of the old Andersonstown Barracks, Belfast. Roisin Lynch, partner of Brendan Lillis will be joined by old comrades of Brendan’s from the Blanket protest days and other former prisoners and concerned individuals. The action is designed to highlight Brendan’s case and the lack of any movement in securing his release from the politicians who know Brendan and knew him as a Blanketman.

Time is fast running out for Brendan Lillis and he should be released immediately.

We call on all people concerned with this grave injustice to come along on Thursday, Friday or Saturday and register your support for a sick and dying man being held hostage by a vindictive and punitive regime.


More information:

roisin allsop tel: 07543800824

gerard hodgins 07549663246

Saturday, July 16, 2011

Running Out Of Time

Brendan Lillis is a prisoner who suffers from a debilitating illness known as ankylosing spondylitis. He is seriously ill; so serious in fact that those closest to him are of the view that he is dying. His partner informed a meeting in Derry a few evenings back that it was her view he that could be dead within ten days. Some sources within the Northern Ireland Prison Service are thought to be of a similar mind. If so it does not leave much time.

Why Brendan Lillis continues to be held in Maghaberry Prison by British prison authorities for activity he carried out while a member of the Provisional IRA in the 1970s is understood but rarely acknowledged. The initial robbery charges that led to his life sentence licence being revoked in 2009 have since been withdrawn. There is no reason specific to him that would justify his continued detention. He is a pawn in a wider political game, one of those exceptions that proves the rule, British rule.

Despite the ground that Northern society is supposed to have covered since the end of the Provisional IRA’s armed struggle, there are buried beneath that ground issues that few want to talk about; issues that were supposed to have been resolved by the new dispensation; issues that were red hot when the IRA campaign was in full throttle and were often cited as reasons that legitimised the use of arms.

Consequently a man, whose energy and activity were ingredients in the fuel that drove republican activism forward, who was part of the arduous blanket protest, and whose investment in the republican project has been used to purchase the current political arrangement, is now banged up because of it. He is in the custody of the same prison service as before, being subjected to the same rights abuses as before, and seemingly being left to die, like others before. In blatant contradiction of its own guidelines outlined in its Corporate and Business Plan the Northern Ireland Prison Service is not providing Brendan Lillis with a health regime appropriate to his needs.

Brendan Lillis is now reputed to weigh little more than 5 stone. He has been confined to bed for 600 days. He receives 40 tablets a day for his condition. The Life Sentence Review Commission has tried to postpone a date for a hearing of his case, meaning he is to be shackled to the system that is killing him that much longer. Each day that this grave situation is permitted to continue a little bit of Brendan Lillis dies.

This former blanket protestor will emerge from prison one way or the other. The British Government knows it cannot hold onto him for much longer. But it seems confident it can hold onto him until such times as his case becomes the legal remit of the coroner. This is vindictive and born of mean spirit.

Whatever about the political connotations interweaved with this case there is one very salient feature that cannot be suppressed. A very sick man is being held in prison and is likely to die there. The humanitarian grounds for releasing him far outweigh the political considerations that are feeding into his ongoing imprisonment.

The party best placed to bring pressure to bear is Sinn Fein. Despite its claims to have been in the prison on seven occasions in the past year, its sole achievement is to have been in the prison seven times. It has produced little in the way of progress. In fact after its seven visits the situation if anything has deteriorated. It can get itself into prison seven times but cannot get Brendan Lillis out once.

The party appears hesitant to go at the issue in a full blown and public manner because to do so would flag up that because of its failure to deliver substantive gains the British are still able to use a weapon of political policing to detain Brendan Lillis. And it is not that Brendan Lillis is being held for political views that he holds but as a warning to others as to what lies in store if they do not acquiesce.

This is a demonstration of British political power over republican impotence. It is an in-your-face assertion that the big issues on terms of conflict related imprisonment were never settled but conveniently parked in the British favour. And in order to prove the point the British are prepared to fire a coffin across the bows of its adversaries.

Friday, July 15, 2011

Dissident Republicans Beware

Tonight in the Pensive Quill Ex-Blanket columnist Dr John Coulter, who describes himself as a Radical Unionist commentator, says those branded as ‘dissident republicans’ should take heed of warnings not to drag the North back to the early 1970s – a period which witnessed bitter nationalist feuds.

Dissident republicans have clearly forgotten what befell the Official IRA in 1972 after the latter murdered an off-duty Catholic soldier in Derry. When the Officials murdered 19-year-old Ranger William Best of the Royal Irish Rangers, they did not believe it would start a backlash which would result in the OIRA having to call a total ceasefire eight days later.

Earlier this year, dissident republicans opposed to Stormont and Sinn Fein’s peace process killed a Catholic police officer in Omagh. The Tyrone market town was also the location for one of the worst massacres of the Troubles in 1998, when the dissident Real IRA killed 29 people in a no-warning car bomb.

Mainstream republican and unionist politicians walked side by side at the funeral of the murdered police officer. In modern Irish politics, imagery has become everything. All dissident republicans achieved was to spark some of the more hardline Orange Order members to slam UUP leader Tom Elliott for attending Constable Kerr’s funeral.

In 1972, after Ranger Best’s murder, some 200 women from the Catholic Creggan and Bogside in Derry marched on the Official republican headquarters in the city.

Having interviewed sources from what has become branded by the media and political opinion as the ‘dissident republican movement’, it is clear the dissident republican terror campaign has a three-fold purpose. These are to destabilise the Stormont Parliament; stop Catholics from joining the police, and embarrass Sinn Fein by forcing republicans to condemn dissident attacks.

One poignant question always disturbs me when talking to such sources – are these dissidents living in a terrorist fantasy world, believing they are akin to the Viet Cong guerrillas and North Vietnamese Army driving the Americans out of Saigon in the mid 1970s?As the last American helicopters were retreating from the South Vietnamese capital, the Viet Cong and North Vietnamese Army kept on firing at them.

Do dissidents see themselves as blazing away with their AK47 assault rifles at Larne and Belfast harbours as ferries carrying the last police officers, Protestant refugees and Unionist politicians sail down Belfast Lough or across the Irish Sea?

Unlike Sinn Fein, which believed in a political process operating alongside a terror campaign, the dissidents believe there must first be a military victory over the British and unionists before a political solution can be implemented. This has never happened in Irish history, not even when the Treaty talks were being planned during the War of Independence.

But the dissident campaign is starting to have the opposite effect in Irish politics. Rather than driving a wedge between the nationalist community and the police, it is uniting mainstream republican and unionist in a common cause – rooting out the various dissident factions.

Politically, the most that the dissident terror campaign can hope for is additional electoral support from unionist voters for the already election-battered anti-power sharing Traditional Unionist Voice party led by former DUP MEP Jim Allister.

There is still a section of Protestant thinking which would grumble at the sight of DUP First Minister Peter Robinson attending the funeral mass for a murdered Catholic police officer.

The Provisional IRA was nudged into the peace process as a result of losing key operatives in shoot-outs with the security forces, such as the Loughgall ambush in the 1980s when eight top members of the IRA’s feared East Tyrone Brigade were wiped out.

Sooner, rather than later, dissident republican leaders must realise they have to negotiate with the British and Irish governments. Militarily, the dissidents will not be defeated in Loughgall-style ambushes by the SAS. That could only lead to young militant nationalists swelling the ranks of the various dissident terror gangs.

In 1972, in the aftermath of Bloody Sunday in Derry in which 14 innocent Catholics were killed by the Paras, the ranks of the fledgling Provos were also swelled.

The dissidents will be defeated when people from the nationalist community give the police the necessary intelligence the PSNI needs to bring these terrorists before the courts. However, there is the real danger the dissident campaign could spark a second Irish Civil War, which saw republican kill republican. The history of the present Troubles is littered with bloody internecine feuds within republicanism. The Provisionals have fought the Officials; the Officials have fought the INLA; the INLA has imploded as the various factions butchered each other.

In late October 1992, the Provos used hundreds of members and supporters to attack people linked to a breakaway republican faction, the Irish People’s Liberation Organisation, on the grounds the IPLO was heavily involved in drug-dealing. One IPLO member was killed and several others wounded. Within a week of the Provo attacks, the IPLO disbanded.

Officially, the Provisional IRA no longer exists. But if the dissident campaign continues to endanger Sinn Fein’s peace strategy, there is the prospect republicans loyal to mainstream thinking may retaliate against the dissident groupings on a ‘no claim, no blame’ basis.

In the Irish Civil War of the 1920s, former republican comrades slaughtered each other in some of the most notorious incidents in Irish history. Irish political, religious and community leaders have stressed they do not want the dissidents to drag the island back to the bloodbath days of the 1970s.

While dissidents failed to increase political temperatures by disrupting either the royal wedding or the Queen’s visit to the Republic, the chances of sectarian conflict – even with the loyalist marching season approaching – are slender. But what is a distinct possibility is vicious inter-republican blood-letting. That would be a case of dragging the island back to the 1970s.

Thursday, July 14, 2011

Pastafarian Licence

They aren’t yet marching to have him beheaded, stoned or burned but ‘early days’ yet as they say. Niko Alm will have outraged religious maniacs near and far by winning the right to have his faith headgear appear in a photo to be used in his driving licence. Alm, an Austrian atheist, took exception to the country’s laws which only permit headgear to appear in official photos on religious grounds. He applied three years ago to be able to wear a pasta drainer which was a requirement of his religion, Pastafarianism. Alm is a member of Bobby Henderson’s Church of the Flying Spaghetti Monster which outlines its doctrine as ‘the only dogma allowed in the Church of the Flying Spaghetti Monster is the rejection of dogma.’ His religion, it must be said, is as valid as any other.

The cops, who issue driving licences in Austria, tried to argue that Alm was granted his on the grounds that his face was visible. ‘The photo was not approved on religious grounds. The only criterion for photos in driving applications is that the whole face must be visible,’ an Austrian police official said. But face saving rather than face visibility seems to be the motive here.

The authorities tried to dissuade Alm from proceeding with his application by having him obtain a doctor’s certificate pronouncing him "psychologically fit" to drive. Are people who believe in talking snakes or intelligent design or transubstantiation treated in such a manner?

But despite the police procrastination and their reluctance to accept Alm’s faith it proved worth it just to see the Pastafarian wearing the sieve in his licence photograph. It is probably too much to hope for but there is a small possibility that it might just prompt some honesty on the part of Irish priests, one of whom in strict accordance with his faith will demand that his licence photo show him with a pair of altar boy’s trunks on his head.

While we know Alm’s faith is all a spoof it is no more false than Islam, Christianity, Judaism or any of the other zany belief systems that people embrace. To their absolute credit the Pastafarians know they are taking the piss whereas the other lot could as easily be convinced that piss can be turned into holy water by the muttering of some clerical mumbo jumbo and a wave of the hands in the form of a cross.

A satisfied Niko Alm said on his blog:

Today I was able to get my new driving licence, and in it you can clearly see that I'm wearing a colander on my head to demonstrate my allegiance to the Church of the Flying Spaghetti Monster … My headwear has now been recognised by the Republic of Austria.

His next move is to make an application to his country’s government to have Pastafarianism recognised as one of Austria’s religions. The argument could then be made for Pastafarian-managed schools. Here in Ireland where child rape is a clerical pastime, there is no bar on the Church running schools.

The Pastafarians at worst can only be accused of global rap, not rape.

Wednesday, July 13, 2011

Cheering Incompetence

When I found out that the last doctor to see Baby Peter failed to recognise a broken back and ribs – like the rest of the nation I thought she must be a terrible doctor. And she clearly was. However, I also read that she was a locum – and ever since then I have been digging and digging to find out why there was a locum and what lay beneath. I found out. And whilst I have no doubt that Haringey Labour Council and Sharon Shoesmith were first in line for retribution being the lead agency and lead individual, I have also had no doubt that there were other agencies who were just as bad – Lynne Featherstone

He was a mere 17 months old, and over an eight month period he was methodically tortured to death by Mommy Dreadful’s sadistic boyfriend, the Nazi worshiping Steven Barker. Given its entrenched imperious demeanour coupled with a determination to silence criticism on the part of Great Ormond Street Hospital, society’s vision becomes much less opaque when peering into the circumstances of a child like Baby P. The infant stood virtually no chance of surviving the horrendous fate that awaited him. Great Ormond Street Hospital, long at the centre of a dispute over its involvement in the death of the child, is now being exposed as a citadel of fear. The investigative journalist Andrew Gilligan, writing in the Daily Telegraph commented:

In emails, letters and secret internal reports, consultants at Great Ormond Street Hospital say that vital medical services have been "destroyed," patient safety is "at risk" and they have been "harassed and targeted" by management for raising their concerns. In one of the leaked letters, Dr Cathy Owens, one of the world's most eminent child radiologists and herself a Great Ormond Street consultant, says there is a "culture of fear" in the hospital with "malicious and vexatious targeting" of doctors who complain.

Owens is currently general secretary, and one time president, of the European Society of Paediatric Radiology. Not exactly a light weight that can be brushed aside by the GOSH regime of fear.

Christine Hall, an emeritus professor at Great Ormond Street, and who previously worked as a former Consultant for the hospital, commented after speaking with her former colleagues:

They and I have grave concerns about the management at the hospital, which has failed on all levels from the top down, fostered a divisive atmosphere and failed patients, who are not getting the treatment they need.

Both Owens and Hall, senior and serious health care professionals, convey the dark back drop against which the Baby P file was dealt with. The year before the child’s brutal demise a permanent consultant at the hospital was moved from her post. Dr Kim Holt had warned of a ‘very high risk’ of a tragedy at the clinic. To no avail. Since then the hospital's attempt to silence her with £120,000 hush money has been refused and while Holt has received an apology there has been no reinstatement.

The 150 year old flagship Great Ormond Street Hospital struts with an arrogance that is borne out of a past it can no longer sustain. It is resting on its laurels, basking in its reputation as ‘an internationally famous centre for child healthcare.’ Which explains the medical journal The Lancet opining in an editorial that ‘perhaps Great Ormond Street is just too important to be seen to fail, even when a child dies.’ Nevertheless, the NHS inspectorate, the Care Quality Commission, has downgraded the hospital’s status from "excellent" to "good" to "fair."

In the time honoured authoritarian response to any questioning the hospital management is trying to depict its critics as heretics, claiming that dissent was coming from only a "minority’ within and rejected the suggestion that a climate of fear existed. There was ‘no evidence that anyone has been targeted for raising concerns.’ Perhaps the hospital should start treating paranoia given that it suspects there is a lot of it about. 

Anyone with experience of probing dictatorial mindsets will be familiar with the ropes.

The institutional culture of inviolability that prevails at the hospital was recently demonstrated in a loutish display of machismo. Dr Jane Collins who is determined to hold on to her position as CEO come what may, despite the grave mishandling of the Baby P case, was given a standing ovation at a meeting of her supporters in the past fortnight. But Dr Steve White of the British Medical Association who attended described the ovation as "unseemly" and "triumphalist", leaving him ashamed of the hospital. Poignantly he said:

We would have done well to mark the end of the meeting by standing in dignified silence to respect the memory of Baby Peter and in quiet contemplation of the fact that we failed him utterly. Any member of the general public who witnessed the last five minutes of the meeting would have been absolutely appalled.

This rests uncomfortably against the more contrite attitude expressed by Baroness Blackstone, the Chair of the hospital’s Trust who wrote ‘the Trust has never hidden our role in the tragic death of Peter Connelly.’

They just cheered about it.

Tuesday, July 12, 2011

Oraiste




Cartoon by Brian Mór
Click to enlarge

Monday, July 11, 2011

Pumping Up The Volume

When decorum is repression, the only dignity free men have is to speak out - Abbie Hoffman

The ongoing detention of the republican activist Marian Price two months after her arrest raises serious concerns about how life sentence licenses are being used as a weapon of political policing. Price was detained some days after being filmed holding a statement that was read out by a masked man at a republican Easter commemoration in Derry. The masked figure made threats to the PSNI and others in the course of his statement to the crowd. Price was subsequently charged with providing support for an illegal organisation.

Price’s reasons for performing some sort of auxiliary role during this Easter event will presumably be given in full when her case comes to trial. However, that is secondary to the fact that on the charge of providing support to an illegal body she was granted bail and should therefore be at home with her family and not locked up in Maghaberry. The charge against her was not considered all that serious otherwise bail would not have been granted so easily and so early.

That her license was immediately revoked means she is now serving time for activity carried out while a member of the Provisional IRA in 1973. She is not serving time for anything else, not for holding statements read out by others, not for anything. Her detention dovetails with the British practice of manufacturing categories of republicans: approved and non-approved. Those in the ‘approved’ category, like Gerry Kelly, are allowed into the US despite serving alongside Marian Price in the same IRA team that bombed London. A person’s republican past, as was made clear in the trial of Gerry McGeough, is not now a clean slate but a suspended summons to be issued when the British state’s nose is put out of joint.

The sole female prisoner in an otherwise exclusively male Maghaberry, it would seem the decision to hold her there rather than at Hydebank Wood is an attempt by the British government to lend amplification to the security threat supposedly posed by this woman. The British Secretary of State Owen Patterson began pumping up the volume when he said upon revoking her license that Price posed a threat which had ‘significantly increased.’ Not one shred of evidence has been forthcoming on this matter.

There is no case that can be made against Marian Price that would justify the imposition of a life sentence. Like the internees of the 1970s she is being held hostage to the good behaviour of physical force republicans currently campaigning against British rule. There has been no trial, no examination of the evidence in open court or an opportunity for Price to legally defend herself. Quite arbitrarily the British Secretary of State has signed away her freedom on the basis of some secret information provided by a British police officer. Given the emaciated reliability of that over the past four decades it is a sore point for many on the receiving end of British whispers.

Other former republican prisoners who served life sentences and who were subsequently released on license are now back in prison having had their licenses revoked. It is significant that neither Martin Corey nor Brendan Lillis are being held on any grounds other than PSNI whispers. They are currently, like Price, in prison for Provisional IRA activity dating back to the 1970s; a warning to others that they too can be recalled at any time. What guarantee do we have that a former lifer who simply refuses to become an informer for the PSNI or MI5 will not have their license revoked?

The detention of Marian Price is indefensible. Old policing methods are being used in what is supposed to be a new dispensation. The very forces the British government hope to overcome by revoking licenses are merely having their suspicions reinforced that the British cry foul while playing dirty. Much the same as they always did. Rather than persuade their republican opponents that dirty means should be out of bounds, the British actions merely incite them to carry such means onto the field of play.

Nor are such republicans likely to be enticed by dirty tactics towards any strategy that remotely resembles Sinn Fein’s, which is what the British want them to embrace. They will, with no shortage of justification, feel that for all its huffing and puffing Sinn Fein has not blown down any houses of repression but rather is warmly ensconced inside them rubbing its hands at the fire having burned its former comrades in the flames.

Sunday, July 10, 2011

How Many Do We Need?

Tonight The Pensive Quill features guest writer Richard O'Rawe. This short piece featured on Fourthwrite: http://www.fourthwrite.ie/?p=162, and is a comment on the fissiparous nature of current Irish republicanism.

At the last count, there was at least seven different republican parades to Belfast’s Milltown cemetery between Easter Sunday and Monday. Most, if not all, taking part in these commemorations were convinced that their particular brand of republicanism is the one, true republicanism, and that all others are heretical.

There were even some, with heads held high, who have convinced themselves that they are a government-in-exile, that they are the sole guarantors and protectors of the Republic which was unilaterally declared in the 1916 Proclamation, and ratified by the First Dáil in 1919.

Some weeks back, the Andersonstown News informed us that the Real Continuity IRA, which recently broke away from the main Continuity IRA, has split into three different factions. That’s four CIRA Army Councils. Then there the Army Councils of the Real IRA, Oglaigh na h-Eireann, the Provisional IRA, and the Official IRA. That makes eight IRA Army Councils at the last count (I’ve probably forgotten a couple of IRAs here and there).

I remember as a child in the early sixties, watching my father and others, no more than a couple of hundred republicans, marching to Milltown Cemetery, unsupported and unwanted by the Nationalist population. Ahh… those were the days, my friend.

Saturday, July 9, 2011

Republican Democrats

The following brief copy was written after Easter for the Fourthwrite website and posted on July 4 @ http://www.fourthwrite.ie/?p=166

Easter Sunday 2011 has come and gone. We are fifty years closer to a united Ireland than we were fifty years ago. In fifty years from now we will be fifty years closer to a united Ireland than we are today. All truisms with absolutely no strategic use value whatsoever. Hardly worth the violent candle and the snuffed out lives.

If there is to be a united Ireland it will be through evolution not revolution. Republicanism has failed to make the qualitative leap that would allow for a fundamental realignment in relations between Ireland and the British state. Republicanism has failed to provide the answer to the partition question. Gutting as it is to say it, the Northern Ireland state has proved to be a viable political ensemble, republicanism a failed political entity.

Attempts to resurrect an unsuccessful armed struggle will merely compound the lack of success. While armed republicans understandably seek to use the past to legitimise their actions, there is a greater likelihood that their use of armed force in the present will delegitimise the past and hand an even greater victory to the British state than previously gained by it.

Let republicanism be democratic or not at all.

Friday, July 8, 2011

Paperdoll Queen




Cartoon by Brian Mór
Click to enlarge

Thursday, July 7, 2011

Exposing The Indecent

Religious Congregations in Ireland are under considerable pressure to deliver financial restitution for the abuse they inflicted on thousands of Irish children. Because of their previous parsimony those congregations identified in the Ryan Report as being sites of ‘horrendous child abuse’ over five decades are now being asked to make up a deficit in the €1.36 billion compensation by transferring ownership of schools to the State.

Because the venereal Church owns many schools the transfer of some of these to the state is considered one way of getting the religious orders to do the decent thing rather than simply carry on in their own usual indecency. The Education Minister Ruairi Quinn complained that the offers from the congregations up to now:

fall well short, by several hundred million, of the €680 million contribution they should bear towards the cost of institutional residential child abuse. In April, I called on the orders to consider handing over appropriate school infrastructure as a way to make progress towards the 50:50 target contribution. I reiterate that call now.

The Ryan Report, which took ten years to complete, had recommended that the 18 orders between them pay half the bill. Why they should not be forced into footing every last cent is perhaps something that will tax the mind of the tax payer. The government’s insistence that the congregations share 50:50 with the public is grating. True, the state should not be allowed to dodge responsibility for handing many children over to predatory vultures who preyed on the vulnerable. Maybe there is no way around it but it is galling in these trying economic times. The tax payer did not rape the children; religious congregations did and then engaged in cover-up. Yet the Congregations still want to evade even paying half the full amount and have thus far forked out only a quarter of the total. It would be ideal were not one red cent to be paid by an already overburdened taxpaying public as compensation for clerical rape.

Ruairi Quinn in calling for the handover of property has claimed that ‘only two out of the 18 congregations have replied positively.’ Rape, cover up and a refusal to cough up has been the history of these vile institutions. He was also critical of his predecessor Mary Coughlan who had failed to proceed quickly enough and for ‘not pursuing it with the vigour required.’

But the tardiness is much more systemic than may be gleaned from pointing the finger at Mary Coughlan. As of May this year, two years after Ryan was published, there had not been one single prosecution. The government in a submission to the United Nations Committee on Torture said that while 11 files had been given to the Director of Public Prosecutions, the latter had decided not to pursue charges in at least 8 of the cases.

This can only help strengthen the marked reluctance on the part of these institutions to accept the terrible harm their clerics have done. Every move made is forced out of them and then carried out grudgingly. It is an attitude that is global and is resentful that the men of god should somehow be accountable to mere human institutions such as the law and courts. God’s men should not be imprisoned by normal law but trafficked off under canon law to another parish, abroad if need be, where they are free to rape again. The recent report commissioned by US bishops, despite taking five years and $2 million, blamed the swinging sixties for the massive clerical assault on children. As Jim Hightower wrote:

The diabolical theory of this study is that "social chaos" created by the tie-dyed sexual revolution of the 1960s so discombobulated otherwise chaste and honorable men that they used their religious authority to rape 10-year-olds and teenagers.

It makes a change of sorts from blaming gays, journalists or Jews, all favourites of Mother Church when the blame needs deflected.

Until the monstrous men of god have the reality of their culpability rammed down their throats with the same forcefulness that they rammed themselves down the throats of children, societies everywhere will be confronted with foot dragging procrastinations and oily evasions as black garbed fiends scuttle for cover behind every available scapegoat.

Strip them of every asset and leave them as naked and defenceless as their victims. Ruairi Quinn has a made a start but there is a long, long way to go.

Wednesday, July 6, 2011

Laird O'Dowd




Cartoon by Brian Mór
Click to enlarge

Monday, July 4, 2011

Christian Bull

The right of an individual to practise their religion and live out their beliefs is one of the most fundamental rights a person can have, but so is the right not to be turned away by a hotel just because you are gay - John Wadham, of the Equality and Human Rights Commission

A while back when this shameful case came up in England I scribbled down a few points, fully intending to comment on it. The business was never done. Yet for some reason – probably the haughtiness of the perpetrators – the issue never entirely slipped over the hills and far away. Now, with more time than I care for on my hands, the little matter of discrimination can be taken off hold.

Peter and Hazelmary Bull, good Christian folk, brimming over with the love of the lord for their fellow human beings, in 2008 refused a double room at their Cornwall Hotel to a gay couple. This was so because the Bulls hold religious opinions which they sought to punish the spurned guests for not holding. As a result of the discrimination practiced by the Bulls, Martyn Hall and his civil partner, Steven Preddy, were awarded damages totalling £3,600 by a British court. British justice might appear rare but it does happen.

The Bulls who claimed to have been ‘vilified as objects of fun’ – reassuring to know that none of the funsters were jailed for blasphemy – because of their stance, argued that they had, in place since 1986, a ban on all unmarried couples sharing beds. Because of their religious opinion they wanted to be able to take to task in a material way others who do not share it – a ‘believe what we believe or we will black list you’ type approach. Backed by the Christian Institute, they fought their case on the grounds outlined by their solicitor, Tom Ellis:

Our argument is that the regulations impinge on the Bulls' human rights. Under the European Convention on Human Rights, people are able to hold a religious belief and manifest it in the way they act.

Providing they don’t inflict it on anyone else and force others to act in accordance with a belief they don’t hold. Imagine a situation where Mrs Bull was told she could only spend a night at a hotel if she were a burka. Why should she? She does not believe in wearing a burka. Or if Hall and Preddy were hoteliers and banned the Bulls because they weren’t gay. There would be a justifiable outcry. Bishops would be having a bawl.

Despite the Bulls’ insistence on allowing only married couples to share beds Hall and Preddy pointed out:

The judge has confirmed what we already know – our civil partnership has the same status in law as a marriage between a man and a woman, and that, regardless of each person's religious beliefs, no one is above the law.

One Bull backer claimed that the brace of bigots could ‘argue with some justification that homosexuality is contrary to the teachings of the bible.’ And what? Nobody is bound by the bible. There are many things that are undoubtedly contrary to the Beano, Dandy, Thor, Zeus, the rulebook of some golf club but that hardly has any bearing on people’s rights. The bible is a collection of myths not a rights charter.

Mike Judge, from the Christian Institute, which funded the Bulls' defence, claimed that the ruling ‘is further evidence that equality laws are being used as a sword rather than a shield. Christians are being sidelined.’

Not how the rights activists Peter Tatchell saw it. In his eyes it was a ‘victory for equality and a defeat for discrimination … People of faith should not be permitted to use religion as an excuse to discriminate against other people.'

This clash of perspectives is what it boils down to: the right to discriminate because of religion or the right not to be discriminated against on the grounds of sexual orientation. Far from Christians being sidelined they are merely having their prejudices pushed back.

Saturday, July 2, 2011

Bus Banjaxed

Tonight The Pensive Quill features the speech by Jim McAllister at the recent Louth commemoration for Brendan Hughes.

There is an appropriateness about commemorating Brendan in these hills and that goes beyond his family connection and the place of his ashes although those are very important reasons. This is an area steeped in the lore of the Gaels and before them, indeed, and these hills from Slieve Fuaid between Newtonhamilton and Armagh to Slieve Gullion through to these Cooley Mountains are embedded in the stories and legends of na Fianna and the Craobh Ruadh and their warrior heroes like Fionn and Cuchullain; good reasons to commemorate a man like Brendan here. These hills also focus in the history of the IRA down the years and in revolutionary forces before the IRA existed. And here, in the Bearna Gaoithe, the Windy Gap, we can think of Brendan who so often stood in Bearna Baoil, the gap of danger.

There is a wealth of history here, ancient and modern. The Long Woman’s grave is an apt place to start because their are parallels in her story and Brendan’s story in that a sense of betrayal runs through both. Brendan in his time was, and still is, a hero figure to many although such a thing would never have been on his mind nor of any importance to him. Heroes arise from the conditions they find themselves in and their responses to those conditions.

Brendan saw the conditions the people of Belfast lived in and his life as a seaman, as was well explained recently in Conway Mill, gave him a window on the wider world where he found plenty of poverty, discrimination and misery too. His family upbringing, his experiences at home and abroad allied to his honesty meant that he was bound to be a republican and his very nature meant that he was bound to be a hell of a good one. It is important to most of us that Brendan was a republican in the truest sense of the word and that he believed in building an Ireland that would be of benefit to all including those at the bottom of the pile, indeed, especially those at the bottom of the pile. Power for power’s sake, winning elections for the sake of those fighting them, helping to administer partition, these were not his goals.

We know about his friendship with Mr Adams and how he felt about the U-turns he, Adams, took and led a once proud Republican Movement through. We know that this can only be described as betrayal of Brendan both as a friend, a comrade and as a Republican just as it is a betrayal of all who thought the whole thing was about getting rid of Stormont and any vestige of British rule to enable the creation of an all Ireland republic, democratic and with socialist intent.

Adams used to describe the republican struggle as like a journey, a ‘bus ride to Cork’ and would explain how there would be stops, reverses and sideways movements and how people would come a part of the way while others would come the whole journey. If Brendan was alive he’d likely say ‘Gerry, your bus is banjaxed, it’s stopped where it wasn’t supposed to go.' Gerry is not on that bus to Cork now, but he’s on the pig’s back while many of those who followed him are on the dole.

Gerry and his pals have their holiday homes while unemployment in West Belfast is as bad as the first day he got elected. I saw a South Armagh councillor in the local papers recently congratulating parents for raising money to buy an interactive white board for their children’s school. And that councillor never paused to remember that the current and previous two education ministers are, and were, from his bloody party and ask why aren’t they providing the interactive boards?

The Long Woman, I’m sure you know the story was betrayed by a faithless man, brought here under false pretences and lies, and died of a broken heart. We know from what Brendan has said that the lies and scheming of men like Adams, when it became clear, were a terrible burden for him who had faithfully trusted what he thought were republican leaders. Cuchullain, so well associated with these hills, fought a battle with his best friend, Ferdiad, who had left Ulster to fight for Queen Maeve. He said he didn’t want to fight him, not through fear but because he loved him as his friend and foster brother and a man he had trained alongside and fought alongside before. Fight he had to, though, another betrayal of friendship and comradeship. The moral of these tales is similar to Brendan’s story, a faithful man abandoned and betrayed.

Where goes the Republic Brendan believed in now? I believe it is in a parlous state and we need to look anew at where we are going, what we seek to find there and how to get there, just don’t mention a bus to Cork. We need new thinking, fresh approaches. We need to be willing to confront nationalism and show it up as hollow and empty. And I mean the nationalism of Sinn Fein, the nationalism they stole from the SDLP and managed to even dilute as they exchanged their republicanism for it. The fact that they have resorted to rows in council chambers recently shows an attempt to distract the public from the party’s failure. A republic of itself is no guarantee of anything so we need the republic Connolly believed in which I am sure is the same one Brendan believed in.

The Irish Republic has yet to be achieved and in the 26 counties people now speak routinely of Ireland in 26 counties terms only. Republicanism is very weak and must be resurrected and I mean the best kind of Republicanism, the kind that Brendan Hughes believed in , the kind that puts the people before Politician, President, Prime Minister, Pope, Priest, Pastor or Profit.

The answers lie within ourselves and others like us who still hold the vision that Brendan Hughes, The Dark, held.

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